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Richard N. Goodwin

Richard N. Goodwin



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Richard Goodwin rođen je u Bostonu 7. decembra 1931. Diplomirao je na Univerzitetu Tufts 1953. Zatim je studirao pravo na Univerzitetu Harvard.

Goodwin se pridružio advokatskoj komori Massachusettsa 1958. Radio je za Felixa Frankfurtera prije nego što je imenovan za specijalnog savjetnika Pododbora za zakonodavni nadzor Predstavničkog doma američkog Kongresa.

Godine 1959. John F. Kennedy imenovao je Goodwina za člana svog osoblja za pisanje govora. Sljedeće godine postao je Kennedyjev pomoćnik specijalnog savjetnika. Goodwin je također bio član Kennedyjeve radne grupe za latinoamerička pitanja, a 1961. imenovan je zamjenikom pomoćnika državnog sekretara za međuamerička pitanja, na dužnosti koju je obnašao do 1963. Kao jedan od Kennedyjevih stručnjaka za latinoamerička pitanja, Goodwin je pomogao razviti Alijansu za napredak, program ekonomskog razvoja Latinske Amerike. Goodwin je bio i generalni sekretar Međunarodnog mirovnog korpusa.

Nakon Kennedyjeve smrti Goodwin se pridružio osoblju predsjednika Lyndona B. Johnsona gdje je radio kao pisac govora i savjetnik. Goodwin je dao ostavku 1965. godine i postao saradnik u Centru za napredne studije na Univerzitetu Wesleyan u Middletownu, Connecticut i gostujući profesor javnih poslova na Tehnološkom institutu Massachusetts.

Goodwin se nastavio baviti politikom i pisao je govore za predsjedničke kandidate Roberta Kennedyja, Eugenea McCarthyja i Edmunda Muskieja. Pisao je i za nekoliko časopisa, uključujući The New Yorker i Kotrljajući kamen. Takođe je objavio Fitzgeralds i Kennedys (1986.) i Sjećanje na Ameriku (1988.).

U ožujku 2001. Goodwin je bio član delegacije Sjedinjenih Država koja je posjetila mjesto bitke u Zaljevu svinja. U partiji su bili Arthur Schlesinger (istoričar), Robert Reynolds ((šef stanice CIA -e u Miamiju tokom invazije), Jean Kennedy Smith (sestra Johna F. Kennedyja), Alfredo Duran (veteran zaljeva svinja) i Wayne S. Smith ( Izvršni sekretar njegove Operativne grupe za Latinsku Ameriku).

Richard N. Goodwin, koji je pisao govore za Kennedyja tokom kampanje 1960. godine i pratio ga u Bijeloj kući, opisao je Roberta Kennedyja kao "potpuno bratovog čovjeka. Bio je to tip čija je osnovna svrha u životu bila unaprijediti i zaštititi Johnovu karijeru" Kennedy. " U intervjuu za ovu knjigu 1997. godine Goodwin se prisjetio jednog sastanka predsjednika i grupe južnih senatora na balkonu Bijele kuće. Jedan od senatora "nagnuo se naprijed i rekao: 'Pa, gospodine predsjedniče, bojim se da ću vas morati napasti na građanska prava: A Kennedy kaže:' Zar ne možete umjesto toga napasti Bobbyja? ' Bobby je odigrao tu ulogu ", objasnio je Goodwin. Mlađi Kennedy "uvijek je odražavao osjećaje svog brata"

Goodwin je također bio prisutan na sastanku u Bijeloj kući nakon Zaljeva svinja, kada je Bobby upao u visokog dužnosnika State Departmenta koji je nakon toga rekao novinaru da se protivi invaziji. "Gledao sam Bobbyja kako se samo nasrnuo na njega", prisjetio se Goodwin. "" Ne možeš potkopati mog brata. " A John Kennedy je samo mirno sjedio i nije rekao ni riječ. Ali ne sumnjam da je Bobby odražavao razgovore koje su njih dvoje vodili.

Predsjednik Fidel Castro sjedio je uz bivše operativce CIA-e, savjetnike predsjednika Kennedyja i članove tima za progonstvo koji su napali njegovu zemlju prije četiri decenije dok su se bivši protivnici sastajali u četvrtak kako bi ispitali katastrofalno slijetanje Zaljeva svinja.

Odjeven u svoju tradicionalnu maslinastozelenu uniformu, Castro je sa zabavom čitao stare američke dokumente o invaziji prognanika CIA-e na Kubu 1961. godine, što je pomoglo u oblikovanju četiri decenije američko-kubanske politike. Neki od dokumenata bili su analiza mladog, harizmatičnog Castra.

Castro je stigao ujutro kad su protagonisti sjeli kako bi započeli trodnevnu konferenciju o invaziji. Učesnici sastanka - koji je bio zatvoren za medije - rekli su da je još uvijek bio tamo u večernjim satima.

Kubanski predsjednik lično je pozdravio bivšeg Kennedyjevog pomoćnika i američkog historičara Arthura Schlesingera, ali nije dao nikakvu izjavu za javnost.

Učesnici su kasnije rekli da je u jednom trenutku Castro naglas pročitao iz nekada tajnog memoranduma Kennedyju o vlastitoj posjeti Sjedinjenim Državama kao novom kubanskom vođi 1959. godine.

"Bila bi ozbiljna greška potcijeniti ovog čovjeka", pročitao je Castro sa smiješkom, rekao je Thomas Blanton iz Arhiva nacionalne sigurnosti na Univerzitetu George Washington.

"Uz svu njegovu naivnost, nesofisticiranost i neznanje u mnogim stvarima, on je očito snažna ličnost i rođeni vođa velike lične hrabrosti i uvjerenja", pročitao je Castro, prema Blantonu. "" Iako ga zasigurno poznajemo bolje nego prije Castro ostaje enigma. '' ''

Blanton je rekao da je Castro rekao grupi da vjeruje da stvarni cilj invazije nije izazvati ustanak protiv njegove vlade, već da pripremi pozornicu za američku intervenciju na Kubi. Blanton je rekao da se član bivšeg tima za egzil, Alfredo Duran, složio.

Među novootkrivenim dokumentima o 17. i 19. aprilu 1961. godine, događaj je bila prva poznata pisana izjava Centralne obavještajne agencije (vijesti - web stranice) u kojoj se poziva na atentat na Castra.

U jednom dokumentu objavljenom u četvrtak u vezi s konferencijom, sovjetski lider Nikita Hruščov upozorio je Kennedyja u pismu upućenom dan nakon početka invazije da bi "mali rat" na Kubi "mogao izazvati lančanu reakciju u svim dijelovima svijeta. ''

Hruščov je uputio "hitan poziv" Kennedyju da prekine "agresiju" na Kubu i rekao da je njegova zemlja spremna pružiti Kubi "svu neophodnu pomoć" za odbijanje napada.

Obučena od strane CIA -e u Gvatemali, brigada 2506 sastojala se od oko 1.500 izgnanika odlučnih u namjeri da sruše Castrovu vladu, koja je preuzela vlast 28 mjeseci prije.

Trodnevna invazija nije uspjela. Bez američke zračne podrške i nedostatka municije zarobljeno je više od 1.000 osvajača. Poginulo je još 100 osvajača i 151 branitelj.

Blanton je konferenciju nazvao "pobjedom nad gorkom istorijom".

Drugi ključni američki likovi koji su prisustvovali bili su Robert Reynolds, šef stanice CIA -e u Miamiju tokom invazije; Wayne Smith, tada američki diplomata stacioniran u Havani; i Richarda Goodwina, drugog Kennedyjevog asistenta, koji je sa Schlesingerom smatrao invaziju nesavjesnom.

Na strani kubanske vlade bili su potpredsjednik Jose Ramon Fernandez, penzionisani general koji je predvodio odbranu trupa na plaži ovdje poznatoj kao Playa Giron, i mnogi drugi penzionisani vojnici.

Bivši neprijatelji koji su se međusobno borili prije 40 godina zajedno su ponovno posjetili mjesto jedne od ključnih bitaka Hladnog rata, Zaljev svinja na jugu Kube.

Posjeta je bila vrhunac trodnevne konferencije osmišljene kako bi se istražili uzroci sukoba, ono što je krenulo po zlu po zlu za snage koje podržavaju SAD i lekcije koje se iz njega mogu izvući.

Među onima koji su učestvovali bili su istoričari sa Kube i iz Sjedinjenih Država, Arthur Schlesinger i Richard Goodwin - obojica bivši savjetnici tadašnjeg predsjednika SAD -a, John Kennedy - vojnici s obje strane i sam predsjednik Fidel Castro.

Tokom prva dva dana u Havani razmijenjeni su ranije povjerljivi dokumenti.

U kubanskim novinama bili su transkripti telefonske komunikacije između predsjednika Castra i njegovih vojnih zapovjednika tokom bitke.

Pokazali su koliko je on blisko uključen, napetost trenutka i radost kada je, nakon više od 60 sati borbe, postalo očigledno da je invazija poražena.

Američki dokumenti detaljno prikazuju poniženje zbog prirode poraza i sramotu koju je nanio predsjedniku Kennedyju.

Jedan dokument State Departmenta okrivljuje debakl u potpunosti na CIA -i koja je obučavala snage za invaziju.

U njemu se navodi: "Temeljni uzrok katastrofe bio je neuspjeh Agencije u pružanju projekta, bez obzira na njegovu važnost i ogromnu mogućnost oštećenja Sjedinjenih Država, vrhunsko rukovanje koje je zahtijevalo."

Dodalo se: "Na visokim nivoima nije uspjelo koncentriranje informiranog, nepokolebljivog nadzora nad projektom."

Nakon neuspjele misije, drugi američki list iznosi rane planove za destabilizaciju kubanske vlade - plan koji je postao poznat kao Operacija Mangus.

Ovo je uključivalo brojne bizarne sheme, uključujući jednu za stavljanje praha u cipele Fidela Castra kako bi mu ispala brada i drugu koja je uključivala eksplodirajuće cigare.

Dokument je sugerirao da bi najefikasniji komandant takve operacije bio tadašnji državni tužilac, predsjednikov brat, Robert Kennedy.

Među onima koji su na Kubi tražili odgovore bila je i Kennedyjeva sestra, Jean Kennedy Smith.

Šetajući plažama Zaljeva svinja, rekla je da je konferencija bila veliki poticaj u pomaganju uspostavljanja mira između Kube i Sjedinjenih Država.

Još jedan od američkih delegata bio je Alfredo Duran, jedan od osvajačkih snaga prije 40 godina.

Suočio se s čovjekom kojeg je pokušao svrgnuti, Fidelom Castrom, kao i drugim kubanskim braniteljima.

Dok je stajao na plaži rekao je: "Ovo je bilo vrlo emotivno vrijeme, posebno razgovarajući s pukovnikom koji je vodio operaciju o vrlo intenzivnim borbama koje su se vodile na ovom mjestu."

Plaže uz Zaljev svinja na jugu Kube sada su zasute ležaljkama i luksuzni hoteli ih zanemaruju.

No, posjetitelja ima mnogo toga podsjetiti da je ovo bilo poprište važne bitke ... kako je Kubanci vide kao pobjedu male zemlje protiv imperijalističkog tlačitelja.

Za Amerikance to je bio ponižavajući poraz koji je pomogao u oblikovanju strategije Hladnog rata za sljedeću generaciju i njene politike prema Kubi do sada ...

Na konferenciji se mnogo govorilo o tome kako predsjednik Kennedy nije volio podržati invaziju.

Jedan od njegovih bivših savjetnika koji je došao u Havanu, Arthur Schlesinger, rekao je da se predsjednik osjeća dužnim nastaviti s radom jer je plan naslijedio od prethodne Eisenhowerove administracije.

"Nisam to savjetovao", rekao je gospodin Schlesinger, "ali moj savjet nije poslušan."

Nakon neuspjele invazije, sve nade u pomirenje sa Sjedinjenim Državama su umrle i predsjednik Castro se približio sovjetskom kampu.

Napetost je porasla, što je kulminiralo sljedeće godine u kubanskoj raketnoj krizi kada je Sovjetski Savez pokušao postaviti nuklearne projektile na Kubi, pokazujući na Sjedinjene Države.


Nekrolog za Richarda N. Goodwina

Richard "Dick" Naradof Goodwin bio je pisac, dramaturg i bivši politički savjetnik i pisac govora u Bijeloj kući predsjednika Johna F. Kennedyja i Lyndona B. Johnsona i senatora Roberta F. Kennedyja, koji je u nedjelju mirno preminuo nakon kratkog napada raka uveče 20. maja u svom domu, okružen porodicom i prijateljima. Imao je 86 godina.

Gospodin Goodwin je izradio ono što se smatra jednim od najvećih i najutjecajnijih predsjedničkih govora u američkoj historiji, uključujući građanska prava Lyndona Johnsona "We Shall Overcome" i govore Velikog društva, govore Johna F. Kennedyja u Latinskoj Americi i Roberta Kennedyja " govor talasa nade "u Južnoj Africi 1966.

Gospodin Goodwin je autor četiri knjige, uključujući Američko stanje, Obećanja koja će se održati: Poziv na novu američku revoluciju i njegovih memoara, Sjećanje na Ameriku: Glas iz šezdesetih, koji je ponovo objavljen u formatu e-knjiga u julu 2014. Sjećanje na Ameriku inspirativna je povijest koja budi nade, snove i ideale jedne izvanredne i burne decenije.

U sjećanju na Ameriku, gospodin Goodwin bilježi svoje iskustvo kao posebni savjetnik u Pododboru za zakonodavni nadzor Predstavničkog doma američkog Predstavničkog doma, tijekom kojeg je proveo sada već poznatu istragu skandala Twenty One Quiz Show. Njegova priča bila je osnova za film Roberta Redforda iz 1994., Quiz Show, a portretirao ga je nagrađeni glumac Zlatni globus Rob Morrow. Kviz je nominiran za četiri Oscara®, uključujući najbolji film i četiri nagrade Zlatni globus®.

Gospodin Goodwin je autor drame, mnogih članaka za The New Yorker i Rolling Stone i brojnih uvodnika za New York Times, The Boston Globe i Los Angeles Times, između ostalih. Često su ga pozivali da ponudi razmišljanja i analize za dokumentarne filmove, članke i knjige o Kennedyjevoj i Johnsonovoj administraciji.

Njegova predstava Šarka svijeta zanosna je drama o sukobu Galilea Galileija i pape Urbana VIII, koji su objavili Farrar Straus & Giroux, a koji je izveden kao kazališna produkcija na međunarodnoj sceni u kazalištu Yvonne Arnaud u Guildfordu u Engleskoj i u Huntington Theatre u Bostonu, gdje je preimenovan u Two Men of Florence. Scenaristicu Alyssa Hill predstavu je adaptirala za igrani film koji se trenutno razvija u Gulfstream Picturesu sa sjedištem u Warner Bros-u.

Gospodin Goodwin je diplomirao sa sumom cum laude na Univerzitetu Tufts i Pravnom fakultetu Harvarda. Bio je dobitnik prestižne Fay diplome Pravnog fakulteta Harvarda. Gospodin Goodwin je bio službenik advokata pri pomoćniku pravosuđa Vrhovnog suda Sjedinjenih Država Felixu Frankfurteru, prije nego što je imenovan za specijalnog savjetnika u Pododboru za zakonodavni nadzor Predstavničkog doma američkog Kongresa.

Gospodin Goodwin, sa samo 29 godina, ušao je u Bijelu kuću kao pomoćnik predsjednika Johna F. Kennedyja, prvo je putovao sa tadašnjim predsjedničkim kandidatom Kennedyjem i pisao govore za svoju kampanju. Nakon Kennedyjevog izbora, gospodin Goodwin je bio pomoćnik posebnog savjetnika predsjednika i kao ključni stručnjak za radnu grupu predsjednika Kennedyja za latinoamerička pitanja, koja je nastala iz Saveza za napredak i tajno se sastala sa Che Guevarom u Urugvaju u kolovozu 1961. godine. Goodwin je također bio zamjenik pomoćnika državnog sekretara za međuamerička pitanja i bio je generalni sekretar Međunarodnog mirovnog korpusa.

Nakon ubistva predsjednika Kennedyja, gospodin Goodwin je bio specijalni pomoćnik predsjednika Lyndona B. Johnsona, gdje je formulirao koncept Velikog društva i izradio mnoge glavne adrese i poruke predsjednika Johnsona koje se bave građanskim pravima. Predsjednik Johnson zatražio je od gospodina Goodwina da napiše svoj historijski govor o građanskim pravima iz 1965. godine, koji je postao poznat kao "govor koji ćemo prevladati", koji je predsjednik Johnson održao 15. marta 1965. godine na zajedničkoj sjednici Kongresa Sjedinjenih Država. Ovaj govor je bio kamen temeljac napretka u biračkim pravima i Zakon o biračkim pravima iz 1965. koji je predsjednik Johnson potpisao pet mjeseci kasnije.

"Arhetipski novi graničar" je kako je Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr. opisao u gospodinu Goodwinu u svojoj knjizi Tisuću dana. "Goodwin je bio vrhovni generalista koji se od Latinske Amerike mogao okrenuti spašavanju spomenika Nilu, od građanskih prava do planiranja večere u Bijeloj kući za dobitnike Nobelove nagrade, od sastavljanja parodije Normana Mailera do izrade zakona, od ručka sa sudija Vrhovnog suda koji će večerati sa Jeanom Sebergom - i u isto vrijeme zadržati neugasivi duh sardonskog liberalizma i neprestanu želju da se stvari završe. "

G. Goodwin podnio je ostavku iz Bijele kuće 1966. godine, pridružujući se američkom Antiratnom pokretu. Kratko je vodio predsjedničku kampanju Eugenea McCarthyja u New Hampshireu i Wisconsinu i napisao govore za predsjedničkog kandidata Edmunda S. Muskieja, prije nego što se pridružio predsjedničkoj kampanji senatora Roberta F. Kennedyja. Gospodin Goodwin je bio sa senatorom Kennedyjem u Los Angelesu kada je ubijen 1968. G. Goodwin je pomogao u izradi predsjedničkog govora potpredsjednika Al Gore 2000. godine.

Gospodin Goodwin je bio dobitnik mnogih nagrada i priznanja, uključujući izuzetnu američku biblioteku John F. Kennedy Library, nagradu javnog lidera Instituta Aspen i počasne diplome Univerziteta Tufts, UMass Lowell i Hebrew Union College.

G. Goodwin je radio na svojoj sljedećoj knjizi. Živio je u Concordu u Massachusettsu, sa svojom 42-godišnjom suprugom, predsjedničkom historičarkom i autoricom dobitnicom Pulitzerove nagrade Doris Kearns Goodwin, s kojom ima dva sina, Michaela i Josepha. G. Goodwin ima sina Richarda iz prethodnog braka. Goodwins ima dvije unuke, Willa i Lena.

Porodica i prijatelji će se okupiti da odaju počast i sjećanje na gospodina Goodwina u petak, 15. juna, u 12:00 u Prvoj župi u Concordu, 20 Lexington Road, Concord, MA

Concordova gradska zastava zavijorit će se u pola osoblja u petak, 15. juna, u čast službe gospodina Goodwina njegovoj zemlji u vojsci Sjedinjenih Država.


Karijera [uredi | uredi izvor]

Rana karijera [uredi | uredi izvor]

Nakon što se za pravdu založio Felix Frankfurter sa Vrhovnog suda SAD -a, Goodwin je postao savjetnik Odbora Predstavničkog doma za međudržavnu i vanjsku trgovinu gdje je Goodwin bio uključen u istragu skandala u kvizovima, posebno Dvadeset jedan skandal. ΐ ] Ε ] Ova afera je pružila priču za film iz 1994 Kviz, u kojem je Goodwina tumačio glumac Rob Morrow. ΐ ]

Kennedyjeva administracija [uredi | uredi izvor]

Goodwin se pridružio govorničkom osoblju Johna F. Kennedyja 1959. Γ ] Kolega pisac govora Ted Sorensen postao je mentor Goodwinu. Β ] Goodwin je bio jedan od najmlađih članova Ζ ] grupe "New Frontiersmen" koji je savjetovao Kennedyja, među kojima su bili i Fred Dutton, Ralph Dungan, Kenneth O'Donnell i Harris Wofford. 37 godina. Η ]

Godine 1961., nakon što je Kennedy postao predsjednik, Goodwin je postao pomoćnik posebnog savjetnika predsjednika i član Radne grupe za pitanja Latinske Amerike. Kasnije te godine, Kennedy ga je imenovao zamjenikom pomoćnika državnog sekretara za međuamerička pitanja. Goodwin je bio na ovoj dužnosti do 1963. godine. Goodwin se navodno protivio invaziji na Zaljev svinja, neuspješno pokušavajući uvjeriti Kennedyja da ne naredi operaciju. Α ] U kolovozu 1961. Goodwin je bio dio delegacije koju je predvodio ministar financija SAD -a Douglas Dillon i koja je poslana u Urugvaj na konferenciju ministara financija Latinske Amerike. ⎖ ] ⎗ ] Tema o kojoj se raspravljalo je Savez za napredak, koji su podržali svi predstavnici zemalja osim kubanskog predstavnika Che Guevere. Međutim, Guevera nije imao namjeru otići kući praznih ruku, primijetio je da je Goodwin tokom sastanaka pušio cigare te ga preko posrednika izazvao, sugerirajući da se ne usuđuje pušiti kubansku cigaru. Goodwin je prihvatio izazov, a potom je iz Guevere stigao dar cigara u složenoj poliranoj kutiji od mahagonija. Guevera je izrazio želju da neformalno razgovara s Goodwinom, a Goodwin je dobio dozvolu od ministra finansija Dillona. Međutim, posljednjeg dana konferencije Guevera je za novinare imao kritične riječi o Savezu za napredak, a jedini predstavnik koji je to učinio, strastveno govoreći o toj temi, nadmašivao je poslovnu, prugastu, bivšu -Ballker sa Wall Street-a Dillon. Dillon je povukao svoj dogovor o sastanku Guevere i Goodwina. Međutim, Guevera je ustrajao, a Goodwin je pristao saslušati, ali je naglasio da nema stvarnu pregovaračku moć. ⎖ ]

Kasnije te večeri na jednoj zabavi, brazilski i argentinski zvaničnici djelovali su kao posrednici, a predstavljeni su Guevera i Goodwin, te su otišli u zasebnu prostoriju kako bi mogli razgovarati. U šali, Guevera je "zahvalio" Goodwinu na invaziji na Zaljev svinja koja se dogodila samo nekoliko mjeseci ranije, jer je samo učvrstila podršku Castru. Led je bio probijen i dvojica idealista, oba u roku od nekoliko godina od 30 i sedeći gotovo do kolena, razgovarali su tokom noći. Iako su shvatili da njihovim zemljama nije suđeno da budu prijateljski saveznici, usredotočili su se na ono što mogu postići radi mira. Goodwin je smatrao da je Guevera vrlo otvoren i pošten. Na kraju su došli do neobavezujućeg zaključka da bi, ako bi Kuba bila voljna odustati od stvaranja bilo kakvih vojnih saveza sa SSSR -om, niti pokušala pomoći revolucionarima u drugim zemljama Latinske Amerike, Amerika bi bila spremna prestati pokušavati silom ukloniti Castra i ukinuti trgovinski embargo na Kubu i obrnuto. Složili su se da će svoj razgovor otkriti samo svojim liderima, Castru i Kennedyju. ⎖ ]

Nakon povratka iz Urugvaja, Goodwin je napisao Kennedyju dopis o sastanku, ΐ ] gdje je izjavio koliko je uspio uvjeriti Guevaru da je član Guevarine "novije generacije" i kako je Guevara također poslao drugu poruku Goodwinu gdje je opisao njihov sastanak "prilično isplativim". ⎘ ] Iako je sastanak izazvao "manji politički bijes", Α ] predsjednik Kennedy je na kraju bio zadovoljan ishodom Goodwinovih napora i bio je prvi koji je popušio jednu od krijumčarenih kubanskih cigara koje je Goodwin vratio. "'Jesu li dobri?" upitao je predsjednik. "Oni su najbolji", odgovorio je Goodwin, potaknuvši Kennedyja da odmah otvori Gueverin poklon i proba jednu od Havana. " ⎖ ] Goodwin je također učinio značajan posao u Kennedyjevoj Bijeloj kući na izmještanju drevnih egipatskih spomenika kojima je prijetilo uništenje u zgradi Asuanske brane, uključujući hramove Abu Simbel. Α ] Historičar Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr., u svojoj knjizi Hiljadu dana: John F. Kennedy u Bijeloj kući, nazvao Goodwina "vrhovnim generalistom" koji je mogao:

". okrenuti se iz Latinske Amerike spašavanju spomenika Nilu, od građanskih prava do planiranja večere u Bijeloj kući za dobitnike Nobelove nagrade, od komponovanja Normana Mailera do izrade nacrta zakona, od ručka sa sudijom Vrhovnog suda do večere sa [glumicom] Jean Seberg - i u isto vrijeme zadržati neutaživi duh sardonističkog liberalizma i neprestanog nagona da se stvari završe. " ΐ ]

Johnsonova administracija [uredi | uredi izvor]

Goodwin 1965. (lijevo), s Billom Moyersom i predsjednikom Johnsonom u Ovalnom uredu.

Od 1963. do 1964. godine Goodwin je bio generalni sekretar Sekretarijata Međunarodnog mirovnog zbora. Γ ] 1964. postao je specijalni pomoćnik predsjednika u administraciji Lyndona B. Johnsona. Γ ] Goodwinu se pripisuje imenovanje Johnsonove zakonodavne agende "Veliko društvo", izraz koji je Johnson prvi put upotrijebio u govoru u maju 1964. godine. ΐ ] Iako je Goodwin pridonio govoru za Johnsona u kojem je izložen program, Α ] Bill Moyers, još jedan Johnsonov savjetnik, bio je glavni autor govora. ⎛ ]

Goodwin je napisao govore za Johnsona reagirajući na Bloody Sunday, nasilno policijsko suzbijanje učesnika građanskih prava na mostu Edmunda Pettusa (1965.) ΐ ] i pozivajući na usvajanje Zakona o biračkim pravima iz 1965. Α ] Goodwin je takođe jedan od pisaca obraćanja Dana afirmacije Roberta F. Kennedyja (1966), govora "talasa nade" u kojem je Kennedy osudio aparthejd u Južnoj Africi. Α ] Goodwin je bio ključna figura u stvaranju Saveza za napredak, američkog programa za poticanje ekonomskog razvoja u Latinskoj Americi, Γ ] i napisao je veliki govor za Johnsona na tu temu. Α ]

Karijera nakon vlade [uredi | uredi izvor]

U rujnu 1965., Goodwin je podnio ostavku na svoju dužnost u Bijeloj kući zbog razočaranja u Vijetnamski rat. ΐ ] Nakon njegovog odlaska, Goodwin je nastavio povremeno pisati govore za Johnsona, posljednji put je to bila adresa savezne države 1966. godine. Δ ] 1975. godine Vrijeme magazin je izvijestio da je Goodwin podnio ostavku nakon što je Johnson, koji je želio izbaciti ljude bliske Robertu F. Kennedyju iz Bijele kuće, zatražio od direktora FBI -a J. Edgara Hoovera da ga istraži. ⎜ ] Sljedeće godine Goodwin se javno pridružio antiratnom pokretu, objavljujući Trijumf ili tragedija, knjiga koja kritikuje rat. On je takođe objavio članke u kojima kritikuje radnje Johnsonove administracije u Vijetnamu godine The New Yorker pod pseudonimom. ΐ ] Nakon što je napustio vladu, Goodwin je bio nastavnik na Univerzitetu Wesleyan u Centru za napredne studije u Middletownu, Connecticut, od 1965. do 1967. i bio je gostujući profesor javnih poslova na Tehnološkom institutu u Massachusettsu 1968. & #913 ] Γ ] Godine 1968. Goodwin je nakratko bio uključen u predsjedničku kampanju Eugenea McCarthyja, ΐ ] upravljajući McCarthyjevom kampanjom na izborima u New Hampshireu, u kojima je McCarthy osvojio gotovo 42% glasova, što se smatralo moralna pobjeda nad Johnsonom. Α ] Goodwin je napustio McCarthyjevu kampanju i radio za senatora Roberta F. Kennedyja nakon što je ušao u utrku. ΐ ] Goodwin je kratko bio politički urednik časopisa Kotrljajući kamen 1974. ⎝ ] Napisao je memoare, Sjećanje na Ameriku: Glas iz šezdesetih (1988). Α ] 2000. godine dao je nekoliko citata govoru o koncesiji koji je Al Gore napisao sa svojim piscem govora Eli Attie nakon kontroverzne odluke Vrhovnog suda u Bush protiv Gore. Α] ⎞]

Njegovo djelo objavljeno je godine The New Yorker napisao je brojne knjige, članke i drame. Godine 2003. kazalište Yvonne Arnaud u Guildfordu u Engleskoj produciralo je njegovo novo djelo Šarke svijeta, koji je za temu uzeo sukob između Galilea Galileija i Vatikana iz 17. stoljeća. ⎟ ] Obnovljeno Dva čovjeka iz Firence (odnosi se na Galileja i njegovog protivnika papu Urbana VIII, koji je kao kardinal Maffeo Barberini nekoć bio Galilejev mentor), predstava je u Americi debitirala u kazalištu Huntington u Bostonu u ožujku 2009. ⎠ ]


‘Veliko društvo’: Nacrt pisca govora

Nacrt govora koji je Richard N. Goodwin napisao 1964. godine opisujući zakonodavnu agendu potpisanu od Lyndona B. Johnsona, „Veliko društvo“ & quot

"Dick Goodwin je bio lav liberalizma prije nego što je postao prljava riječ, stvarajući govore za demokratske ikone koje definiraju politiku i progresivizam 21. stoljeća", rekao je Mark K. Updegrove, predsjednik i izvršni direktor LBJ Fondacije email. „Njegov govor„ Prevazići ćemo “, molba LBJ -a za Zakon o biračkim pravima nakon Selmine„ Krvave nedjelje “koja je rezultirala direktnom akcijom iz ranije nevoljnog Kongresa, rangiran je kao jedan od najrječitijih i najefikasnijih predsjedničkih govora u istoriji . ”

G. Goodwin je pomogao u izradi značajnog Zakona o biračkim pravima iz 1965. godine, koji je stavio van zakona testove pismenosti i druge diskriminatorne prakse koje su dugo obespravljivale crne Amerikance. Neko vrijeme, kako se kasnije sjetio gospodin Goodwin, duboko je vjerovao u Johnsona zbog njegovog rada na građanskim pravima i društvenim reformama.

No, kako je administrativni angažman u Vijetnamu rastao, gospodin Goodwin je otišao 1965. godine i počeo pisati i govoriti protiv rata. Godine 1968., nakon što je Johnson najavio da neće tražiti reizbor, gospodin Goodwin je postao savjetnik i pisac govora u demokratskim predsjedničkim kampanjama senatora Roberta F. Kennedyja iz New Yorka i Eugenea McCarthyja iz Minnesote, obojice upornih protivnika rata.

Gospodin Goodwin je bio s Robertom Kennedyjem u Los Angelesu kada je senatora, nakon što je pobijedio na izborima u Kaliforniji, ubio ubica. On je tada bio McCarthyjev pisac govora, sve dok demokrati nisu nominirali potpredsjednika Huberta H. Humphreya na konvenciji u Chicagu koju su zasjenili sukobi između policije i antiratnih demonstranata.

Briljantan, intenzivan, ponekad abrazivan, gospodin Goodwin je imao izgled zgužvanog profesora. Pušio je velike cigare, preferirao je vodootporne pantalone i jakne od baršuna i imao je dugu, čupavu kosu. Glas mu je bio šljunkovit i pomalo nejasan, a lice krckavo, sa srebrno sivim obrvama koje su đavolski stršile.

Predavao je na Univerzitetu Wesleyan i Tehnološkom institutu u Massachusettsu te pisao za Rolling Stone, The New Yorker, The New York Times i druge publikacije. Njegove knjige su uključivale "Sjeme sijača: Počast Adlai Stevenson" (1965.), "Trijumf ili tragedija: razmišljanja o Vijetnamu" (1966.), "Američko stanje" (1974.) i "Obećanja koja treba održati: Poziv za novo" Američka revolucija ”(1992).

Njegovi memoari, "Sjećanje na Ameriku: Glas iz šezdesetih" (1988.), izazvali su kontroverzu prikazivanjem predsjednika Johnsona kao nestabilnog, izoliranog, čak i paranoičnog. Neki koji su poznavali Johnsona osporavali su zaključke gospodina Goodwina. Kritičari su pohvalili njegovu strastvenu liberalnu procjenu tog doba, ali su rekli da je zanemario mnoga naučna i politička preispitivanja šezdesetih.

Richard Naradof Goodwin rođen je u Bostonu 7. prosinca 1931. kao jedan od dva sina Josepha i Belle Fisher Goodwin. Dick i njegov mlađi brat Herbert odrasli su u Brooklineu. Dick je prvo bio u razredu na Univerzitetu Tufts, koji je diplomirao 1953. godine, a na klasi Pravnog fakulteta Harvard 1958. Bio je godinu dana referent za pomoćnog pravosuđa Felixa Frankfurtera na Vrhovnom sudu. Njegov brat, dugogodišnji sudac okružnog suda u Massachusettsu u Brooklineu, umro je 2015.

Godine 1958. oženio se Sandrom Leverant, sa kojom je dobio sina Richarda. Umrla je 1972. Oženio se 1975. Doris Kearns. Imali su dva sina, Michaela i Josepha. Osim supruge i sinova, iza njega su ostale dvije unuke.

Godine 1959., gospodin Goodwin se pridružio osoblju pododbora Predstavničkog doma koji je istraživao namještene televizijske kvizove. Dio “Sjećanja na Ameriku” fokusiran je na skandale i bio je osnova za film “Quiz Show” iz 1994. koji je pomogao u produkciji. Njegov rad impresionirao je Roberta Kennedyja, pa je bio upisan u osoblje senatora Johna Kennedyja. On i Theodore C. Sorensen napisali su većinu govora Kennedyjeve predsjedničke kampanje.

Drama gospodina Goodwina, "Šarke svijeta", o borbi tokom inkvizicije između pape Urbana VIII i Galileja, koji je optužen za herezu jer je tvrdio da Zemlja nije središte svemira, imala je svoju premijeru u Guildfordu, Engleska, 2003. Proizvedeno je u Bostonu 2009. pod nazivom „Dva čovjeka Firence“.

"Talent Richarda Goodwina kao dramaturga bio je jedinstven", rekao je Edward Hall, koji je režirao obje produkcije drame, u e -poruci. “Imao je rijetku sposobnost da preuzme ogromne ideje i pretvori ih u ljudsku dramu. Biti u prostoriji za probe s Richardom ostat će vrhunac moje karijere. Njegove likove obogatio je autor koji je spojio životno iskustvo rada blizu moći, sa dubokim razumijevanjem i brigom za čovječanstvo. ”

U govoru o ustupu predsjedničke dužnosti Al Gorea 2000. godine, koji je napisao gospodin Goodwin, citira se ustupak senatora Stephena Douglasa Abrahamu Lincolnu na predsjedničkim izborima 1860 .: "Partizanski osjećaj mora popustiti patriotizmu."

Govor govora nastavio se: „Baš kao što se žestoko borimo kada je ulog veliki, zbrajamo redove i okupljamo se kada se takmičenje završi. I dok će biti dovoljno vremena za raspravu o našim stalnim razlikama, sada je vrijeme da prepoznamo da je ono što nas ujedinjuje veće od onoga što nas dijeli. Iako još uvijek držimo i ne popuštamo svoja suprotna uvjerenja, postoji veća dužnost od one koju dugujemo političkoj stranci. Ovo je Amerika, a zemlju stavljamo ispred stranke, stajaćemo zajedno iza našeg novog predsjednika. ”


Richard N. Goodwin, bivši pisac govora za Kennedys, LBJ, umire u 86

IZVJEŠTAVANJE IZ NEW YORKA - Richard N. Goodwin, pomoćnik, pisac govora i liberalna snaga Kennedyjevih i Lyndona Johnsona koji su pomogli u stvaranju takvih historijskih adresa poput "talasa nade" Roberta Kennedyja i govora LBJ -a o građanskim pravima i Velikom društvu, preminuo je u nedjelju uveče u 86. godini.

Goodwin, the husband of Pulitzer Prize-winning historian Doris Kearns Goodwin, died at his home in Concord, Mass. According to his wife, he died after a brief bout with cancer.

Goodwin was among the youngest members of President Kennedy's inner circle and among the last survivors. Brilliant and contentious, with thick eyebrows and a mess of wavy-curly hair, the cigar-smoking Goodwin rose from a working-class background to the Kennedy White House before he had turned 30. He was a Boston native and Harvard Law graduate who specialized in broad, inspirational rhetoric — top JFK speechwriter Theodore Sorensen was a mentor — that "would move men to action or alliance."

Thriving during an era when few feared to be called "liberal," Goodwin also worked on some of Lyndon Johnson's most memorable domestic policy initiatives, including his celebrated "We Shall Overcome" speech. But he differed with the president about Vietnam, left the administration after 1965 and would later contend — to much debate — that Johnson may have been clinically paranoid. Increasingly impassioned through the latter half of the '60s, he co-wrote what many regard as then- Sen. Robert Kennedy's greatest speech, his address in South Africa in 1966. Kennedy bluntly attacked the racist apartheid system, praised protest movements worldwide and said those who speak and act against injustice send "forth a tiny ripple of hope."

Goodwin's opposition to the Vietnam conflict led him to write speeches in 1968 for Kennedy and to manage the presidential campaign for antiwar candidate Sen. Eugene McCarthy. But McCarthy faded, Kennedy ("My best and last friend in politics," Goodwin wrote) was assassinated and Republican Richard Nixon was elected president. Goodwin never worked for another administration, although he and his wife were fixtures in the Democratic Party and he continued to comment on current affairs for Rolling Stone, the New Yorker and other publications. In 2000, he was called upon for one of the least glamorous jobs in speechwriting history: Al Gore's concession to George W. Bush after a deadlocked race that ended with a 5-4 Supreme Court decision in Bush's favor.

Goodwin was admired for his rare blend of poetry and political savvy, and criticized for being all too aware of his talents. Even one of his supporters, historian and fellow Kennedy insider Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr., would say that he "probably lacked tact and finesse." But Schlesinger also regarded Goodwin as the "archetypal New Frontiersman" of JFK's brief presidency.

"Goodwin was the supreme generalist," Schlesinger wrote in his Pulitzer Prize-winning "A Thousand Days," published in 1965, "who could turn from Latin America to saving the Nile Monuments, from civil rights to planning a White House dinner for the Nobel Prize winners, from composing a parody of Norman Mailer to drafting a piece of legislation, from lunching with a Supreme Court Justice to dining with Jean Seberg — and at the same time retain an unquenchable spirit of sardonic liberalism and unceasing drive to get things done."

Richard Naradof Goodwin was born in Boston on Dec. 7, 1931, but spent part of his childhood in suburban Maryland, where he would recall being harassed and beaten because he was Jewish. His enemies only inspired him. He graduated summa cum laude from Tufts University, at the top his class from Harvard Law School, then clerked for Supreme Court Justice Felix Frankfurter, the first of a series of powerful men Goodwin worked under.

His road to Kennedy's "Camelot" began not with an election, but with the corruption of TV game shows. He was an investigator in the late '50s for the Legislative Oversight Subcommittee of the U.S. House of Representatives, which helped reveal that the popular "Twenty One" program was rigged. Goodwin's recollections were adapted into the 1994 film "Quiz Show," directed by Robert Redford and featuring Rob Morrow as Goodwin, who was one of the producers. "Quiz Show" received four Academy Award nominations, including for best picture, but was criticized for inflating Goodwin's role in uncovering the scandal.

His efforts were noticed by JFK, then a U.S. senator from Massachusetts and aspiring presidential candidate. Goodwin was hired to write speeches for the 1960 race, advised Kennedy for his landmark television debates with Nixon and held a number of positions in the administration, from assistant special counsel in the White House to an advisor on Latin America. When the president was assassinated in 1963, Goodwin took on a sensitive task — prodding the military to act upon Jacqueline Kennedy's wishes and place an eternal flame at the national cemetery in Arlington, Va.

Under Kennedy, Goodwin's most ambitious work may have been on the Alliance for Progress, a program of economic and social reforms meant to break the U.S. from its history of supporting dictators in Latin America. The Alliance was announced in March 1961 with a promise from Kennedy that the spirit would not be "an imperialism of force or fear but the rule of courage and freedom and hope for the future of man." In the long term, the alliance had mixed results, as support dropped among subsequent administrations. In the short run, it was overshadowed by an imperialist fiasco, the Bay of Pigs invasion, the failed U.S.-backed attempt in April 1961 to overthrow Cuba's socialist government, led by Fidel Castro.

Goodwin had questioned the plan, but still had to answer for it. Not long after the Bay of Pigs, he met with Castro ally and finance minister Ernesto "Che" Guevara, the two of them sitting on the floor of a hotel room in Montevideo, Uruguay. They were both in town for an Inter-American conference that was to ratify the alliance.

"But, of course, when we started this conversation though, he said, `Mr. Goodwin, I'd like to thank you for the Bay of Pigs,"' Goodwin recalled during a joint 2007 appearance with his wife at the John F. Kennedy library in Boston. "He said, `We were a pretty shaky middle class, support was uncertain, and this solidified everything for us.' So what could I say? I knew he was right."

After Kennedy's death, Goodwin was urged — implored — to stay on by the new president: "You're going to be my voice, my alter ego," Goodwin remembered Lyndon Johnson saying. There was constant tension between Johnson, a Texan, and the "Harvards" around Kennedy, but Goodwin initially had strong influence and was an essential shaper of LBJ's legacy. He was assigned key policy speeches, including the 1964 address at the University of Michigan, when Johnson outlined his domestic vision of a "Great Society." Johnson's 1965 civil rights speech to a joint session of Congress is among the most famous presidential orations in history. It was written by Goodwin — within hours, he alleged — in the wake of the bloody marches in Selma, Ala., and ended with an exhortation, drawing upon the language of the protest movement, that reportedly left the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. in tears.

"Their cause must be our cause too," Johnson said. "Because it is not just negroes, but all of us who must overcome the crippling legacy of bigotry and injustice. And we shall overcome."

Upon signing the Voting Rights Act in August 1965, Johnson gave the pen to Goodwin. But by then, LBJ had committed ground troops to Vietnam and Goodwin was personally and professionally estranged. He had become convinced, he later wrote, that "President Johnson's always large eccentricities had taken a huge leap into unreason."

"My conclusion is that President Johnson experienced certain episodes of what I believe to have been paranoid behavior," he wrote in "Remembering America," published in 1988. "I do not use this term to describe a medical diagnosis. I am not L.B.J.'s psychiatrist, nor am I qualified to be. I base my judgment purely on my observation of his conduct during the little more than two years I worked for him."

Goodwin's theory was widely debated. He was backed by Time magazine journalist Hugh Sidey, while former Johnson aide Jack Valenti said Goodwin was simply trying "to flog a book."

Goodwin was married for 14 years to Sandra Leverant, who died in 1972. Three years later, he married Doris Kearns, a former LBJ aide who became one of the country's most popular historians with such works as "Team of Rivals" and "No Ordinary Time." Goodwin had three children, one with his first wife and two with his second.

Goodwin's other books included "Triumph or Tragedy: Reflections on Vietnam," released shortly after he left the Johnson administration and "Promises to Keep." He also wrote a play, "The Hinge of the World" (later retitled "Two Men of Florence"), a drama about the clash between Galileo Galilei and Pope Urban VIII that reflected on the need to raise "poor, lowly creatures" from ignorance so they could "travel the Heavens."

"And how is this mighty liberation accomplished?" Goodwin wrote. "Not through holy text. By these hands, these eyes, this brain. The skull of a single being imprisons the power to unravel creation, to encompass and describe the entire world. Why, this teaches man they may regain our native, the dominion granted Adam in their days of innocence. Creatures who can accomplish this have such power, they are almost like Gods."


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Richard N. Goodwin, White House speech writer, dead at 86

In this Jan. 12, 1966, photo provided by the White House, President Lyndon B. Johnson prepares for his State of the Union address with, from left, Richard Goodwin, former presidential assistant called back from Wesleyan University to help on the speech, Jack Valenti and Joseph A. Califano, Jr. at the White House in Washington. Goodwin, an aide, speechwriter and liberal force for the Kennedys and Lyndon Johnson died Sunday, May 20, 2018, at his home in Concord, Mass. His wife, the historian Doris Kearns Goodwin, said he died after a brief bout with cancer. Associated Press

FILE - In this May 29, 2010, file photo, author Richard Goodwin receives a Doctor of Humane Letters honorary degree from Trustee Edward Collins during commencement ceremonies at UMass-Lowell at the Tsongas Center in Lowell, Mass. Former White House aide and speechwriter Goodwin has died. He died Sunday, May 20, 2018, at his home in Concord, Mass. His wife, the historian Doris Kearns Goodwin, said he died after a brief bout with cancer. Associated Press

NEW YORK -- Richard N. Goodwin, an aide, speechwriter and liberal force for the Kennedys and Lyndon Johnson who helped craft such historic addresses as Robert Kennedy's "ripples of hope" and LBJ's speeches on civil rights and "The Great Society," died Sunday evening at age 86.

Goodwin, the husband of Pulitzer Prize winning historian Doris Kearns Goodwin, died at his home in Concord, Massachusetts. According to his wife, he died after a brief bout with cancer.

Goodwin was among the youngest members of President John F. Kennedy's inner circle and among the last survivors. Brilliant and contentious, with thick eyebrows and a mess of wavy-curly hair, the cigar-smoking Goodwin rose from a working class background to the Kennedy White House before he had turned 30. He was a Boston native and Harvard Law graduate who specialized in broad, inspirational rhetoric - top JFK speechwriter Theodore Sorensen was a mentor - that "would move men to action or alliance."

Thriving during an era when few feared to be called "liberal," Goodwin also worked on some of Lyndon Johnson's most memorable domestic policy initiatives, including his celebrated "We Shall Overcome" speech. But he differed with the president about Vietnam, left the administration after 1965 and would later contend - to much debate - that Johnson may have been clinically paranoid. Increasingly impassioned through the latter half of the '60s, he co-wrote what many regard as then- Sen. Robert Kennedy's greatest speech, his address in South Africa in 1966. Kennedy bluntly attacked the racist apartheid system, praised protest movements worldwide and said those who speak and act against injustice send "forth a tiny ripple of hope."

Goodwin's opposition to the Vietnam conflict led him to write speeches in 1968 for Kennedy and to manage the presidential campaign for anti-war candidate Sen. Eugene McCarthy. But McCarthy faded, Kennedy ("My best and last friend in politics," Goodwin wrote) was assassinated and Republican Richard Nixon was elected president. Goodwin never worked for another administration, although he and his wife were fixtures in the Democratic Party and he continued to comment on current affairs for Rolling Stone, The New Yorker and other publications. In 2000, he was called upon for one of the least glamorous jobs in speechwriting history: Al Gore's concession to George W. Bush after a deadlocked race that ended with a 5-4 Supreme Court decision in Bush's favor.

Goodwin was admired for his rare blend of poetry and political savvy, and criticized for being all too aware of his talents. Even one of his supporters, historian and fellow Kennedy insider Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr., would say that he "probably lacked tact and finesse." But Schlesinger also regarded Goodwin as the "archetypal New Frontiersman" of JFK's brief presidency.

"Goodwin was the supreme generalist," Schlesinger wrote in his Pulitzer Prize-winning "A Thousand Days," published in 1965, "who could turn from Latin America to saving the Nile Monuments, from civil rights to planning a White House dinner for the Nobel Prize winners, from composing a parody of Norman Mailer to drafting a piece of legislation, from lunching with a Supreme Court Justice to dining with Jean Seberg - and at the same time retain an unquenchable spirit of sardonic liberalism and unceasing drive to get things done."

Richard Naradof Goodwin was born in Boston on Dec. 7, 1931, but spent part of his childhood in suburban Maryland, where he would recall being harassed and beaten because he was Jewish. His enemies only inspired him. He graduated summa cum laude from Tufts University, at the top his class from Harvard Law School, then clerked for Supreme Court Justice Felix Frankfurter, the first of a series of powerful men Goodwin worked under.

His road to Kennedy's "Camelot" began not with an election, but with the corruption of TV game shows. He was an investigator in the late '50s for the Legislative Oversight Subcommittee of the U.S. House of Representatives, which helped reveal that the popular "Twenty One" program was rigged. Goodwin's recollections were adapted into the 1994 film "Quiz Show," directed by Robert Redford and featuring Rob Morrow as Goodwin, who was one of the producers. "Quiz Show" received four Academy Award nominations, including for best picture, but was criticized for inflating Goodwin's role in uncovering the scandal.

His efforts were noticed by Kennedy, then a U.S. senator from Massachusetts and aspiring presidential candidate. Goodwin was hired to write speeches for the 1960 race, advised Kennedy for his landmark television debates with Nixon and held a number of positions in the administration, from assistant special counsel in the White House to an adviser on Latin America. When the president was assassinated in 1963, Goodwin took on a sensitive task - prodding the military to act upon Jacqueline Kennedy's wishes and place an eternal flame at the national cemetery in Arlington, Virginia.

Under Kennedy, Goodwin's most ambitious work may have been on the Alliance for Progress, a program of economic and social reforms meant to break the U.S. from its history of supporting dictators in Latin America. The Alliance was announced in March 1961 with a promise from Kennedy that the spirit would not be "an imperialism of force or fear but the rule of courage and freedom and hope for the future of man." In the long term, the alliance had mixed results, as support dropped among subsequent administrations. In the short run, it was overshadowed by an imperialist fiasco, the Bay of Pigs invasion, the failed U.S.-backed attempt in April 1961 to overthrow Cuba's socialist government, led by Fidel Castro.

Goodwin had questioned the plan, but still had to answer for it. Not long after the Bay of Pigs, he met with Castro ally and finance minister Ernesto "Che" Guevara, the two of them sitting on the floor of a hotel room in Monte Video, Uruguay. They were both in town for an Inter-American conference that was to ratify the alliance.

"But, of course, when we started this conversation though, he said, 'Mr. Goodwin, I'd like to thank you for the Bay of Pigs,'" Goodwin recalled during a joint 2007 appearance with his wife at the John F. Kennedy library in Boston. "He said, 'We were a pretty shaky middle class, support was uncertain, and this solidified everything for us.' So what could I say? I knew he was right."

After Kennedy's death, Goodwin was urged - implored - to stay on by the new president: "You're going to be my voice, my alter ego," Goodwin remembered Lyndon Johnson saying. There was constant tension between Johnson, a Texan, and the "Harvards" around Kennedy, but Goodwin initially had strong influence and was an essential shaper of LBJ's legacy. He was assigned key policy speeches, including the 1964 address at the University of Michigan, when Johnson outlined his domestic vision of a "Great Society." Johnson's 1965 civil rights speech to a joint session of Congress is among the most famous presidential orations in history. It was written by Goodwin - within hours, he alleged - in the wake of the bloody marches in Selma, Alabama, and ended with an exhortation, drawing upon the language of the protest movement, that reportedly left the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. in tears.

"Their cause must be our cause, too," Johnson said. "Because it is not just negroes, but all of us who must overcome the crippling legacy of bigotry and injustice. And we shall overcome."

Upon signing the Voting Rights Act in August 1965, Johnson gave the pen to Goodwin. But by then, LBJ had committed ground troops to Vietnam and Goodwin was personally and professionally estranged. He had become convinced, he later wrote, that "President Johnson's always large eccentricities had taken a huge leap into unreason."

"My conclusion is that President Johnson experienced certain episodes of what I believe to have been paranoid behavior," he wrote in "Remembering America," published in 1988. "I do not use this term to describe a medical diagnosis. I am not L.B.J.'s psychiatrist, nor am I qualified to be. I base my judgment purely on my observation of his conduct during the little more than two years I worked for him."

Goodwin's theory was widely debated. He was backed by Time magazine journalist Hugh Sidey, while former Johnson aide Jack Valenti said Goodwin was simply trying "to flog a book."

Goodwin was married for 14 years to Sandra Leverant, who died in 1972. Three years later, he married Doris Kearns, a former LBJ aide who became one of the country's most popular historians with such works as "Team of Rivals" and "No Ordinary Time." Goodwin had three children, one with his first wife and two with his second.

Goodwin's other books included "Triumph or Tragedy: Reflections on Vietnam," released shortly after he left the Johnson administration and "Promises to Keep." He also wrote a play, "The Hinge of the World" (later retitled "Two Men of Florence"), a drama about the clash between Galileo Galilei and Pope Urban VIII that reflected on the need to raise "poor, lowly creatures" from ignorance so they could "travel the Heavens."

"And how is this mighty liberation accomplished?" Goodwin wrote. "Not through holy text. By these hands, these eyes, this brain. The skull of a single being imprisons the power to unravel creation, to encompass and describe the entire world. Why, this teaches man they may regain our native, the dominion granted Adam in their days of innocence. Creatures who can accomplish this have such power, they are almost like Gods."


Richard N. Goodwin, White House speech writer, dead at 86

NEW YORK (AP) — Richard N. Goodwin, an aide, speechwriter and liberal force for the Kennedys and Lyndon Johnson who helped craft such historic addresses as Robert Kennedy’s “ripples of hope” and LBJ’s speeches on civil rights and “The Great Society,” died Sunday evening at age 86.

Goodwin, the husband of Pulitzer Prize winning historian Doris Kearns Goodwin, died at his home in Concord, Massachusetts. According to his wife, he died after a brief bout with cancer.

“It was the adventure of a lifetime to be married for 42 years to this incredible force of nature_the smartest, most interesting, most loving person I have ever known. How lucky I have been to have had him by my side as we built our family and our careers together surrounded by close friends in a community we love,” said Doris Kearns Goodwin.

Richard Goodwin was among the youngest members of President John F. Kennedy’s inner circle and among the last survivors. Brilliant and contentious, with thick eyebrows and a mess of wavy-curly hair, the cigar-smoking Goodwin rose from a working class background to the Kennedy White House before he had turned 30. He was a Boston native and Harvard Law graduate who specialized in broad, inspirational rhetoric — top JFK speechwriter Theodore Sorensen was a mentor — that “would move men to action or alliance.”

Thriving during an era when few feared to be called “liberal,” Goodwin also worked on some of Lyndon Johnson’s most memorable domestic policy initiatives, including his celebrated “We Shall Overcome” speech. But he differed with the president about Vietnam, left the administration after 1965 and would later contend — to much debate — that Johnson may have been clinically paranoid. Increasingly impassioned through the latter half of the ’60s, he co-wrote what many regard as then- Sen. Robert Kennedy’s greatest speech, his address in South Africa in 1966. Kennedy bluntly attacked the racist apartheid system, praised protest movements worldwide and said those who speak and act against injustice send “forth a tiny ripple of hope.”

Goodwin’s opposition to the Vietnam conflict led him to write speeches in 1968 for Kennedy and to manage the presidential campaign for anti-war candidate Sen. Eugene McCarthy. But McCarthy faded, Kennedy (“My best and last friend in politics,” Goodwin wrote) was assassinated and Republican Richard Nixon was elected president. Goodwin never worked for another administration, although he and his wife were fixtures in the Democratic Party and he continued to comment on current affairs for Rolling Stone, The New Yorker and other publications. In 2000, he was called upon for one of the least glamorous jobs in speechwriting history: Al Gore’s concession to George W. Bush after a deadlocked race that ended with a 5-4 Supreme Court decision in Bush’s favor.

Goodwin was admired for his rare blend of poetry and political savvy, and criticized for being all too aware of his talents. Even one of his supporters, historian and fellow Kennedy insider Arthur M. Schlesinger Jr., would say that he “probably lacked tact and finesse.” But Schlesinger also regarded Goodwin as the “archetypal New Frontiersman” of JFK’s brief presidency.

“Goodwin was the supreme generalist,” Schlesinger wrote in his Pulitzer Prize-winning “A Thousand Days,” published in 1965, “who could turn from Latin America to saving the Nile Monuments, from civil rights to planning a White House dinner for the Nobel Prize winners, from composing a parody of Norman Mailer to drafting a piece of legislation, from lunching with a Supreme Court Justice to dining with Jean Seberg — and at the same time retain an unquenchable spirit of sardonic liberalism and unceasing drive to get things done.”

Richard Naradof Goodwin was born in Boston on Dec. 7, 1931, but spent part of his childhood in suburban Maryland, where he would recall being harassed and beaten because he was Jewish. His enemies only inspired him. He graduated summa cum laude from Tufts University, at the top his class from Harvard Law School, then clerked for Supreme Court Justice Felix Frankfurter, the first of a series of powerful men Goodwin worked under.

His road to Kennedy’s “Camelot” began not with an election, but with the corruption of TV game shows. He was an investigator in the late ’50s for the Legislative Oversight Subcommittee of the U.S. House of Representatives, which helped reveal that the popular “Twenty One” program was rigged. Goodwin’s recollections were adapted into the 1994 film “Quiz Show,” directed by Robert Redford and featuring Rob Morrow as Goodwin, who was one of the producers. “Quiz Show” received four Academy Award nominations, including for best picture, but was criticized for inflating Goodwin’s role in uncovering the scandal.

His efforts were noticed by Kennedy, then a U.S. senator from Massachusetts and aspiring presidential candidate. Goodwin was hired to write speeches for the 1960 race, advised Kennedy for his landmark television debates with Nixon and held a number of positions in the administration, from assistant special counsel in the White House to an adviser on Latin America. When the president was assassinated in 1963, Goodwin took on a sensitive task — prodding the military to act upon Jacqueline Kennedy’s wishes and place an eternal flame at the national cemetery in Arlington, Virginia.

Under Kennedy, Goodwin’s most ambitious work may have been on the Alliance for Progress, a program of economic and social reforms meant to break the U.S. from its history of supporting dictators in Latin America. The Alliance was announced in March 1961 with a promise from Kennedy that the spirit would not be “an imperialism of force or fear but the rule of courage and freedom and hope for the future of man.” In the long term, the alliance had mixed results, as support dropped among subsequent administrations. In the short run, it was overshadowed by an imperialist fiasco, the Bay of Pigs invasion, the failed U.S.-backed attempt in April 1961 to overthrow Cuba’s socialist government, led by Fidel Castro.

Goodwin had questioned the plan, but still had to answer for it. Not long after the Bay of Pigs, he met with Castro ally and finance minister Ernesto “Che” Guevara, the two of them sitting on the floor of a hotel room in Monte Video, Uruguay. They were both in town for an Inter-American conference that was to ratify the alliance.

“But, of course, when we started this conversation though, he said, ‘Mr. Goodwin, I’d like to thank you for the Bay of Pigs,’” Goodwin recalled during a joint 2007 appearance with his wife at the John F. Kennedy library in Boston. “He said, ‘We were a pretty shaky middle class, support was uncertain, and this solidified everything for us.’ So what could I say? I knew he was right.”

After Kennedy’s death, Goodwin was urged — implored — to stay on by the new president: “You’re going to be my voice, my alter ego,” Goodwin remembered Lyndon Johnson saying. There was constant tension between Johnson, a Texan, and the “Harvards” around Kennedy, but Goodwin initially had strong influence and was an essential shaper of LBJ’s legacy. He was assigned key policy speeches, including the 1964 address at the University of Michigan, when Johnson outlined his domestic vision of a “Great Society.” Johnson’s 1965 civil rights speech to a joint session of Congress is among the most famous presidential orations in history. It was written by Goodwin — within hours, he alleged — in the wake of the bloody marches in Selma, Alabama, and ended with an exhortation, drawing upon the language of the protest movement, that reportedly left the Rev. Martin Luther King Jr. in tears.

“Their cause must be our cause, too,” Johnson said. “Because it is not just negroes, but all of us who must overcome the crippling legacy of bigotry and injustice. And we shall overcome.”

Upon signing the Voting Rights Act in August 1965, Johnson gave the pen to Goodwin. But by then, LBJ had committed ground troops to Vietnam and Goodwin was personally and professionally estranged. He had become convinced, he later wrote, that “President Johnson’s always large eccentricities had taken a huge leap into unreason.”

“My conclusion is that President Johnson experienced certain episodes of what I believe to have been paranoid behavior,” he wrote in “Remembering America,” published in 1988. “I do not use this term to describe a medical diagnosis. I am not L.B.J.’s psychiatrist, nor am I qualified to be. I base my judgment purely on my observation of his conduct during the little more than two years I worked for him.”

Goodwin’s theory was widely debated. He was backed by Time magazine journalist Hugh Sidey, while former Johnson aide Jack Valenti said Goodwin was simply trying “to flog a book.”

Goodwin was married for 14 years to Sandra Leverant, who died in 1972. Three years later, he married Doris Kearns, a former LBJ aide who became one of the country’s most popular historians with such works as “Team of Rivals” and “No Ordinary Time.” Goodwin had three children, one with his first wife and two with his second.

Goodwin’s other books included “Triumph or Tragedy: Reflections on Vietnam,” released shortly after he left the Johnson administration and “Promises to Keep.” He also wrote a play, “The Hinge of the World” (later retitled “Two Men of Florence”), a drama about the clash between Galileo Galilei and Pope Urban VIII that reflected on the need to raise “poor, lowly creatures” from ignorance so they could “travel the Heavens.”

“And how is this mighty liberation accomplished?” Goodwin wrote. “Not through holy text. By these hands, these eyes, this brain. The skull of a single being imprisons the power to unravel creation, to encompass and describe the entire world. Why, this teaches man they may regain our native, the dominion granted Adam in their days of innocence. Creatures who can accomplish this have such power, they are almost like Gods.”


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Pogledajte video: 21st Annual Summer Celebration Honoring Doris Kearns Goodwin and Richard N. Goodwin (Avgust 2022).